Showing posts with label sexualities. Show all posts
Showing posts with label sexualities. Show all posts

31.12.24

Review of Searching for the Cinaedus in Ancient Rome

Searching for the Cinaedus in Ancient Rome, ed. Tommasso Gazzari and Jesse Weiner, Brill 2023

Review by James Jope   ©James Jope


The word cinaedus was used in Roman literature as a slur referring to a sex/gender variant of an imprecise kind, principally adult males who desired to be penetrated anally and/or who were effeminate. The contributors to this volume have differing views on the subject, and also on the model of ancient sexuality elaborated by Foucault. For example, they differ on whether cinaedi also had sex with women; Kirk Ormand (“Did (Imaginary) Cinaedi Have Sex with Women?”) argues that the ‘womanizing cinaedus’ is a product of modern scholars misinterpreting the evidence; but other contributors still use that concept. However, most of them seem to agree that the “war”, as the introduction calls it, among classicists over Foucault is over and it is time to turn to more empirical studies of the ancient evidence.

The introduction is an excellent one. The editors first explain the issues: Kinaidos had ambivalent meanings already in Greece, but this volume focuses on Latin usage. The authors look for contextual clues, diachronic changes, etc. They investigate issues such as whether cinaedi were a real type of men in Roman society or only a ‘scare figure of the Roman imaginary’.i A good summary of the respective papers follows, then a brief discussion of modern reception (e.g., the suggestion that Oscar Wilde modeled his own image after the Roman concept). As this is the only treatment of modern reception, some readers may consider it inadequate; but its value is to suggest areas for further research. Indeed, the entire volume may be regarded as (re-)opening (new) areas for research, as is evidenced precisely by contributors’ opposing views.

In studying the ancient evidence, some contributors utilize theoretical tools from other modern sources besides Foucault. Thus John R. Clarke (“Representing the Cinaedus in Roman Visual Culture: Seeing, Speaking, Touching”) updates his previous work on artii. After explaining how works regarded as obscene were wrenched out of their context in early modern museums, he seeks to reconstruct Roman viewers’ probable reactions in context, using concepts like the ‘mirror-neuron system’.

Important elements of the Greek background are provided by Tom Sapsford (“Cleomachus: A Study in ‘Cinaedic’Associations”) and Jesse Weiner (“The Kinaidos Comes to Rome: Plautus’ Cinaedi”). 

Sapsford studies the ‘intersectional’ relations of sex, gender, and poetry in the story of Cleomachus, a boxer who turned feminine, as told by Strabo and Tertullian. Both authors suggest that cinaedic traits could be infectious. He also discusses the association of cinaedi with poetry; they were known for a particular meter called Sotadean verse. Sapsford provides an admirably detailed account of the relevant prosody and how it suited the twerking cinaedic dance, a subject rather neglected by other contributors, which may be important for understanding how the different valences of the word developed.

Also important in this connection is Plautus. Weiner finds the word in Plautus several times, always in jokes. His audience knew it as an insult, but the jokes 'intersectionally' implicate class, gender and ethnicity. The concept is still more about dance than sex: all of the characters who dance are cinaedi. There are few direct references to passive anal intercourse, and in contrast to the later stereotype, it is always involuntary.

These two essays, together with Mark Masterson’s Byzantine study, suggest a framework for a diachronic study. However, instead of placing one of them first, the editors chose Giulia Sissa’s “Κιναίδων Βίος: Ethics, Lifestyle, and Sensuality in Ancient Greek Erotic Culture”, apparently regarding it as more important to circumscribe the role of Foucault.

Actually, Sissa aims to modify the foucaultian paradigm: the critical polarity in ancient sexuality was not just penetrator v penetrated, but active v passive in response to pleasure, so that even an erastes (the ‘top’ man sexually) who could not control himself could be blamed as being ‘soft’ (malakos). Her argument is culled from various texts, but particularly Plato and Aristotle; and although she endeavours to sift out the general values of Greek society from the sometimes hostile interests of her sources, her theory applies convincingly only to philosophers. Although the lyric corpus is replete with the woes of erastai who could not resist eros, none, as far as I know, is described assoft’. Plato and later philosophers with the exception of some Roman Stoics were seldom fully in line with conventional sexual valuesiii.

Unfortunately, to enlist Foucault’s “authority” for her position, Sissa digresses into what reads like a theological interpretation of holy scripture, quoting the Master both in translation and in the original French, favourably interpreting his apparent inconsistencies, and expecting respect for his wisdom.

Roman sumptuary conventions attached status and social/moral values to colours of clothing, and they apparently associated a certain yellow-green hue with cinaedi. Tommasso Gazzari (“Cinaedus Galbinatus: Cultural Perception of the Color ‘Green’ and Its Gender Association with Pathici in Rome”), after trying to identify the exact hue and its social significance, sounds a cautious note of essentialism: If men chose deliberately to wear a colour identified as feminine not only by norms of fashion but even by medical theory, they may have been flaunting a feminine identity.

In fact, flaunting seems to have been a characteristic of cinaedi which differentiated them from other pathici (bottom men).

Judith P. Hallett and Donald Lateiner (“Connotation and ‘Com-motion’: Putting the Kinesis into the Roman Cinaedus”) focus on the mobility of cinaedi, which gives them greater agency than ordinary bottom mens’. Surprisingly, there is little discussion here of dance. They compare texts from Petronius and Catullus. Petronius definitely supports their contention of cinaedi’s mobility, but their interpretation of Catullus is forced; the woman described as cinaediorem in Catullus 10:24 exhibits mobility because “her mind and mouth move fast”.

Barbara K. Gold (“Can a Woman Be a Cinaedus? Interrogating Catullus 10 and Roman Social Norms”) attempts to understand this unique use of the feminine comparative adjectiveiv. After reviewing the multiple meanings of the word, she argues that its use here is not about sex but about class and gender.

Flaunting is a striking feature also in Apuleius. Benjamin Eldon Stevens (“The ‘Chorus Cinaedorum’ in Apuleius’ Golden Ass”) calls attention to the work of Bloodv and others trying to learn about non-dominant minority communities (such as Apuleius’ cinaedic priests) from hostile majority sources. But the traits of the priests are the opposite of Lucius’ values, they are a foil for him. Yet in spite of its disputable relevance to Apuleius, Stevens is right to note the importance of such work. All of the usual sources are hostile.

As a closing piece of diachronic research, Masterson (“Kinaidos: The Afterlife of a Term in the Byzantine Empire”) explores the word in lexicographers and texts in late antiquity up to the eleventh-century Michael Psellos. He finds much the same confusion between sex and gender found by modern scholarship. Byzantine Christians condemned both participants in male-male intercourse as ‘wanton’ aselges, even though they regarded such activity as a temptation to which any man could succumb.

These essays are an important contribution to the study of ancient sexuality. The scholarship is impressive. However, it would have been desirable to include some group discussion of disputed issues (after all, the book originated as a panel discussion), or at least more cross references. Some solutions might also be yielded by a full diachronic study. Of course, this would have to give equal attention to Greek and Latin sources. Even this volume, in spite of the stated intention to focus on the Romans, inevitably includes Greek material. ‘Cinaedus’, after all, is a loan word, which educated Romans would automatically associate with some traces of its Greek background.












i While some contributors point out that a scare-figure need not necessarily lack a real correspondent, I would go further. A scare figure is effective only if there is some reality. McCarthyism used communists as a scare figure, and psychologists attribute homophobia to insecurity about one’s own orientation. But the virulence of both biases was derived from the corresponding social reality.

ii Clarke, J.R. “Representations of the Cinaedus in Roman Art: Evidence of ‘Gay’ Subculture?” JHomosex 39 (2005): 271–298.

ii Aristotle sought to understand the function of conventional values (sozein ta phainomena). As Sissa correctly argues, he articulated the Greek belief that habitual characters were more important than particular actions.

iv Masterson’s paper reveals that this feminine adjectival comparative form occurred also in late antiquity, so that technically, at least, it is not a hapax.

v Blood, H.C. “Apuleius’s Book of Trans Formations.”Eidolon, 15 June 2015. https://eidolon​.pub/apuleius‑s‑book‑of‑trans‑formations‑b98140d11482 and Blood, H.C. “Sed illae puellae: Transgender Studies and Apuleius’s The Golden Ass.” Helios 46.2 (2019): 163–188.

 

4.12.21

Translating Strato: The importance of Translations in the study of Ancient Sexuality and Understanding Classical Erotica (1)

 

In the years after Dover and Foucault, research on ancient sexuality focussed on reconstructing the conventional norms—the rules of the game, so to speak—which differed from modern rules: in the case of pederasty, the assignment of active and passive roles to man and boy respectively, the age limits, and so on. But conventional rules are normative, not descriptive; and more recent studies, especially of Roman sexuality, have sought to fill out the picture with a more subtle appreciation of the broader realities of sexual life in the ancient world.(2)

Studies of Greek pederasty have emphasized the Archaic and Classical periods to the exclusion of the later literature which actually sup-plies most of our explicitly erotic material, such as Strato’s collection of pederastic epigrams, preserved as Book 12 of the Greek Anthology.(3) Because of this limited focus, Dover’s classic study dismissed Strato in a footnote (4); and his attitude seems to have prevailed over Buffière’s sensitive appreciation of this poet as a keen observer of the “detours” of sexual mores.(5)

Strato will be an important source for expanding and deepening our understanding of the extent to which the Greeks could appreciate the ironies and limitations of their own sexuality. At the end of his anthology (AP 12.258), he offers a revealing disclaimer: Don’t think all the sentiments expressed are my own, he says; “I tailor what I write to different boy-lovers in each case.” The poems bear this out. For example, the persona of 12.227 asserts that when one looks at a boy on the street, one should look at his face, but it is gauche to turn around for the rear view after passing. But the speaker in 12.223, who is too shy to look the boy in the eye, does exactly that. Again, some poems, like 12.248, suggest a desire to stretch the conventional pederastic age limits, while others, like 12.204, reassert them.

Some of these poems toy with aspects of the pederastic paradigm which perhaps seemed as arbitrary to late ancient pederasts as they do to modern researchers. For example, what about the assumption, found repeatedly in Strato, that boys dread the appearance of body hair, as if they do not want to mature and switch roles? How does this relate to the view that boys did not enjoy being passive, but did it as a favour? Is it just patronising sarcasm, or does it suggest that “pathic” desire was more common than society liked to admit? There is much worth studying in Strato. The poems with diverging points of view may have been inspired by the rhetorical technique of the Second Sophistic; but to be effective as erotic epigrams, they must have reflected social realities as well. So they might be relevant, e.g., to claims that there was something like a homosexual subculture. When Strato finally receives as much attention as Martial has received, students of ancient sexuality will scrutinize his poems—and their translations—in connection with such issues.

The recent appearance of Daryl Hine’s fresh and imaginative translation (6) may stimulate interest in Strato’s anthology. Hine himself is a poet. But precisely those qualities which make enjoyment of the poems more accessible for the general reader may cause difficulty when his book is consulted by people studying ancient sexuality. Whereas earlier translations used to distort erotic content for reasons of censorship, Hine makes brilliant adaptations to create amusing epigrams with erotic twists and sociocultural allusions to which a modern reader can relate. But sexual historians need an accurate conveyance of the original content.

There is a problem here, to which a concept current among professional translators may be pertinent. Professionals are expected to tailor their methods for their clients. Commercial and government offices, for example, often require that the translated version of a document read as if it were originally written in that language. The reader is not to be reminded that this is a translation, even if content must be altered. A simple, real example is chocolate bars labelled “made in Canada” and “fait au Québec.” The message is that the customer is supporting her domestic economy; but even federalist Quebecers tend to regard the province as their economic homeland. This is sometimes called “cultural translation,” and it is very relevant to erotic literature. But it would not suit lawyers, for example. They may even wish to cross-examine the translator to know exactly what was changed and why.

In the case of classical erotic epigrams, there is a similar tension between the needs of readers and researchers. But today the translator’s readership comprises a complicated spectrum between these two groups. Research on ancient sexuality has been published by philosophers and art historians, by professors of English and comparative literature, as well as by classicists. Even classicists consult translations for teaching purposes. On the other hand, many general readers are more aware of linguistic pluralism and the difficulties of translation than used to be the case.

Moreover, sexuality and humour are very time-bound and culture-bound phenomena. Even within the corpus of North American erotic poetry, there is a separate tradition of less known poets like Dennis Kelly, Harold Norse in his love poems, or Perry Brass, addressing gay readers, while other gay poets, like Tom Gunn, are better known because they composed for a general readership. If this lesser cultural barrier has obstructed effective communication between poets and readers representing different segments of our own society, how much wider a gap must be bridged to express Strato’s desires and wit!

Already before Dover’s study, a very competent uncensored translation of Strato had been published by the renowned French novelist Roger Peyrefitte. (7) It is revealing to compare this with Hine’s translation, because Peyrefitte’s approach is more conservative, so that one might initially expect it to be a more reliable historical source. My objectives in the present paper are, first, by comparing Hine’s translation with Peyrefitte’s, to reveal how much information of potential interest to researchers was sacrificed to craft effective poems; and second, to stimulate thought about translation methods which might alleviate this problem. Although critical observations are implicit in my discussion, I do not attempt to provide a balanced review of Hine’s work, much less a comparative review of both translations. I take Hine’s version of Strato to represent an imaginative, relatively free translation which is widely read, and I examine it only in order to illustrate the difficulties which arise when either type of translation is used as source material for the study of ancient sexuality

Sometimes the cultural gap is so wide that the poems are hardly translatable. AP 12.225 is a series of obscure astronomical and mythological puns. I shall not discuss them in detail, but some explanations may be found in Paton’s (8) and Peyrefitte’s notes.

Paton’s translation (in the Loeb series) is relatively literal, so that we may quote it for reference:

When the sunlight is rising at dawn, never should you join the blazing

Dog with the Bull lest one day, when Demeter, Mother of Grain, has

been given a soaking, you wet Heracles’ hairy wife.

Hine writes:

At cock crow there is never any need

To do it doggy style or milk the bull,

Or to besprinkle with your liquid seed

Your Ganymede’s pubescent patch of wool.

No astronomy and little mythology need be invoked to understand this. The meaning of these images is clear enough; but what is the point? Why not at dawn? In spite of Hine’s radical alteration of the content, the meaning of the poem remains obscure.

Peyrefitte offers footnotes: The constellations of the Dog and the Bull, he tells us, are plays on κὐνα (“dog”), which also means “le frein du prépuce,” and ταὐρῳ (“bull”) which can mean the perineum. As regards Hercules, he tells us, “La massue est un des noms grecs du membre viril.” The text, unfortunately, does not refer to Hercules’ club but to his wife. Although Peyrefitte’s notes are helpful, they are seldom adequate for researchers, who in this case would benefit from checking out the notes offered by Paton and other translators as well.

More casual readers, however, will probably find this poem obscure even with the explanations provided, and just move on. Perhaps that is why Peyrefitte’s translation was not received with due enthusiasm. A compromise between different readers’ needs does not work.

Possibly the effect of this poem could be mimicked by a series of astrological puns with sexual innuendos; but it is significant that both Paton and Peyrefitte resort to translator’s notes. No matter how a translator interprets such a poem, it is not directly translatable, and some explanation is needed.

The problem in 12.225 is insufficient understanding; but Hine’s version of 12.187 involves positive misinformation. The crux here lies in translating the enigmatic punch line at the end of this difficult poem. And it exemplifies how Hine and Peyrefitte, respectively, handle word plays. Hine usually substitutes a joke that works in English, whereas Peyrefitte explains the Greek joke in a footnote. Again, we may refer to Paton’s relatively literal translation:

How, Dionysius, shall you teach a boy to read when you do not even know how to make the transition from one note to another? You have passed so quickly from the highest note to a deep one, from the slightest rise to the most voluminous. Yet I bear you no grudge; only study, and striking both notes say Lambda and Alpha to the envious.

Paton adds a footnote on lambda and alpha: Probably, he says, they have “some sort of sexual meaning. There is double meaning in all the rest of the epigram, but it is somewhat obscure and had best remain so.”

With this touching expression of the scholarly devotion to knowledge which typified his age, Paton dismisses the epigram, leaving it quite untranslated as far as cross-cultural understanding is concerned.

Maxwell-Stuart and W.M. Clarke, (9) noticing a series of possible musical puns, (10) infer that the action is accompanied by instrumental music, and they elaborate fanciful interpretations of the action in each line based on this supposition. Significantly, however, their interpretations of the puns and action differ. Since ἀναγινώσκειν plainly means “to read,” I do not see any need to postulate instrumental music. Instead, I believe that the setting is a reading lesson and the tones in question are the polytonic accents of Greek being read aloud. Although polytonic accents may have been obsolescent in everyday speech at Strato’s time, they might still be observed in the schools. Aside from whatever additional layers of innuendo may be involved, at least some of the humour turns on the instructor’s flamboyant elocution. Hine appears to share this interpretation, and overall his translation expresses it fairly well:

How teach a boy that fundamental skill,

sight-reading, when your voice is changing still?

From shrill soprano to gruff bass you swoop

So quickly, from a whisper to a whoop.

But study harder, show the envious

Active and passive, Dionysius.

However, notice that, instead of explaining that Greek was polytonic and was read aloud, Hine has altered the scene of the poem to make it understandable to modern readers. There is no indication in the Greek that the instructor is a boy whose “voice is changing still.” This is no twelve-year-old teacher, but an effeminate grammaticus.

There is no consensus as to the meaning of “alpha and lambda” in the punch line. Peyrefitte suggests in a footnote that lambda is the first letter of the Greek word for “lick” and alpha the first letter of the word for “masturbate.” However, he does not mention other interpretations that are discussed by Maxwell-Stuart and Clarke. And an alert researcher may wish to know all of them, once he grasps the implications of Hine’s translation.

For, the translation “active and passive” would not be justified on most interpretations of lambda and alpha. “Licking,” for example, albeit perhaps beyond what was expected of the older, active partner and thus suggestive of lechery, would not imply full reciprocation.

Also the musical meaning of alpha and lambda, which represented high and low notes respectively—which is consistent with a polytonic reading lesson, as Greek used just two tones (the circumflex being transitional)—would not justify Hine’s translation. Neither does it seem to be Hine’s intent to express the original joke. Rather, this is a joke that fits the “reading lesson” setting in a way that is directly understandable—and amusing—to a modern reader. Unfortunately, it wrongly suggests a versatility of active and passive roles on the part of the speaker, while we have also been misled as to his age.

Given the obscurity of the original, a less specific innuendo, like “Show them all from A to Z,” might be better. Here again, however, precisely because the meaning of the poem is both obscure and disputed, some explanation is called for.

In 12.211, a man tries to seduce a slave boy. After all, he argues, you are not new to this. You gave it to your master, so why not give it to me? It won’t be so one-way with me, it will be more friendly and reciprocal. This poem touches a number of issues of interest to sexual historians: how men related to slave boys, their own and others’; to what extent the Archaic educational aspect of pederasty could still apply; and the issue of reciprocity.

The critical text for our purpose is line 4 in the Greek:

Why do you grudge giving it to another, and receiving the same?

In the Greek, the implication of ταὐτο λαβών (“receiving the same”) is clear. At this point in the poem, the boy can only understand this as an offer that if he puts out, he may screw his seducer. As the speech continues, however, this is watered down. He will have just as much fun, he is assured; but the only promise relating to who does what is that he will be asked, and not ordered. The implied offer to roll over for the boy would be a breach of the norm; and if it is dangled only to be withdrawn, the fact that a Greek reader would find this amusing is also significant. But Hine’s translation of ταὐτο λαβών misses this entirely (“Why not give someone else what you’ve got?”). And Peyrefitte—who writes “si la couche de ton maître t’a fait expert, pourquoi refuses-tu de donner à un autre, ayant reçu cela”—seems to refer ταὐτο λαβών to the boy’s instruction, rather than his penetration; but that is not “the same thing” that the boy will exchange with his seducer.

My comparison of Hine and Peyrefitte already suggests the approach that I would propose.

When Hine modifies a poem, we sometimes find more accurate background information in other translators’ footnotes. Some erotic translators have already felt compelled to resort occasionally to extensive notes. Hooper uses them in his translation of the Priapus poems, as did Barnstone in his Sappho. (11) I would take this farther. Translations of this kind of literature should be accompanied by an explicit analysis and commentary explaining the poem in its cultural context, and how the translation differs, and why—and perhaps also by a literal translation. An example of a commentary which is very close to what I have in mind is Reginald Gibbons’ notes on his translation of Luis Cernuda’s poem A un poeta muerto. (12) Gibbons describes the historical circumstances of the executions under Franco, discusses the different layers of meaning of a key Spanish word in the poem, and attempts to strike a balanced appreciation of the influence of Cernuda’s homosexuality on his feeling of alienation as an artist in this and other poems. However, I would place the commentary on the same page, so that the reader is invited, with equal convenience, either to read or to skip it.

Of course, a literal translation with a detailed commentary would not convey the “feel” of a poem. The best way to carry the thrust of a poem across a cultural gap is something poets have been doing for centuries: writing free adaptations inspired by their predecessors. A fully modern adaptation—a poem “after Strato”—would not, standing alone, convey historical content; but presented together with a literal translation and commentary, it can finally achieve a genuine cultural translation of the erotic and humorous thrust of the original.

As I have shown, Hine sometimes moves in this direction. His rendition of 12.233, for example, is not so much translation as adaptation. The original predicts how a proud young actor’s career will decline as he ages, playing on the titles of a series of plays by Menander. The boy regards his youth as a “Treasure,” but it will pass like a “Shade,” leaving him “Despised.” Hine substitutes famous movie titles: The boy will pass from “My Secret Garden” to the “Midnight Cowboy” when his beauty is “Gone with the Wind.” Another fine example of an adaptation which represents a cultural translation is J.D. McClatchy’s “Late Night Ode” after Horace, Carm. 4.1, (13) where, for example, the exemplary young advocate and lover Paulus Maximus is represented by “the blond boychick lawyer, entry level at eighty grand … [whose] answering machine always has room for one more.”

I have experimented with my proposal on 12.3.

A fairly literal translation might be:

Boys’ prongs, Diodorus, fall into three categories. Now learn their names:

Call the untouched one “lalu”; when it swells, call it “coco”; it’s a “liz-ard” when tossed in your hand. At the final stage, you know what it’s called.

The commentary which I would attach to my translation might read as follows:

The persona of this poem is instructing one Diodorus, who seems to be a neophyte in pederasty, on masturbating boys. Each of three stages from erection to orgasm is assigned a stereotyped babytalk term commonly applied to boys’ genitals. The babytalk is playful and suggests the youth of the quarry, as well as the apparent inexperience of Diodorus himself. At the same time, the sexual aspect is described vividly. The penis is “tossed” in the hand, where the word for “tossed” (σαλευομένην) is a vivid image for masturbation; defined by Liddell and Scott as “cause to rock, roll or vibrate … shake in measurement … roll, toss, move up and down,” the word is used, e.g., for the movement of ships in a storm. But the punch line, where the instructor notes cynically that Diodorus knows damned well what comes next, reveals that Diodorus is not so inexperienced after all.

In constructing a modern adaptation, babytalk will not work. It might suggest an inappropriate comparison with pre-teen pederasty, while its application to today’s street-wise teenagers would be silly.(14) Indeed, even the frank and playful attitude toward seducing adolescent males can hardly be expressed with an appropriately light tone in the discourse of the dominant (“straight”) culture. Translating for that culture would require bowdlerization. I would turn instead for inspiration to separate traditions of modern gay poetry and art which, regardless of their own differences from the Greek pederastic tradition, are better suited for reception of such epigrams, if only because of their more positive attitude toward same-sex relations, and indeed toward sex in general. To express the tone of this poem and the point of the punch line, we need a different set of stereotypes to replace the babytalk. I would use cliché lines from seduction scenes in pornographic videos, alternating with lines in a playful meter. And I would replace the enigmatic reference to a climactic name with a more familiar sequel in such videos. So my poem after Strato would read:

Now, Bruce, teenagers

come in three stages:

Learn how to make them

so you can take them.

When a boy’s erection

mounts up for inspection,

say …“Oh yeah …”

If he moans when your grip

slips his skin over the tip,

say … “Mmmm, you like that, don’t you …”

Next comes the best … but you know the rest;

Don’t talk with your mouth full!

However much this differs from the Greek epigram, both poems poke fun at familiar stereotypes and lead to an amusing revelation of the “neophyte”’s experienced status.

Looking briefly back at 12.211, it poses a difficult challenge. Apart from the aspects which I have already discussed, I do not think that modern readers can really relate to the slave situation. The very mention of a “master” may invoke an entirely different set of associations for modern readers which is not appropriate. I would be tempted, after a suitable commentary, to simply drop it and focus solely on the issue of reciprocity, which is still relevant for homosexuals today, and write something like this:

What are you afraid of?

You’ve been screwed before.

I know. You don’t like being treated as a whore; Taken for granted, left awake and hard.

Put out for me; I promise, you’ll enjoy it too.

We’ll romp and have a lively chat … with me on top of you.

I have chosen mainly passages relating to one aspect of the pederastic paradigm, viz., the issue of reciprocation. My discussion also applies, of course, to other issues. To cite one brief example, consider the question of the boys’ social status. The traditional view is that they were mainly nobility in the Archaic period, but slaves or prostitutes in Strato’s time. However, the beautiful youths in 12.195 are described as εὐγενέτας, “well born”—which Hine renders as “acclaimed.”

The approach of earlier generations to translating classical erotica combined untranslated passages for scholars with tedious literal renditions for the general reader. Newer versions like those by Hine and Peyrefitte mark great progress, but still do not serve well the varied needs of their modern readership. No translation can do everything for all readers, but I think we can do better. My intention in this paper has been to stimulate thought and discussion among translators and classicists about approaches which will better suit the different needs involved in the study of ancient sexuality, not to provide an instruction manual. Obviously, the right mix of analysis, translation and adaptation will vary for different poems and authors.

On the other hand, I shall venture to offer some very specific instructions for readers with a limited knowledge of Greek. You should do exactly as I have done in the present paper: consult at least two different translations. This simple precaution will reveal the extent of possible discrepancies, and confirm whether the nuance which is the core of your interest is present in the original or only in one translation. In the absence of a commentary by the translator, it may also be helpful to notice any indications of her or his own attitude on questions of interest, e.g., in other publications. And of course you should seriously consider better learning Greek.

 

Notes

(1) I am obliged to James Butrica and Beert Verstraete for reading draft versions of this paper. David Creese’s comments when I read it at the 2004 annual meeting of the Classical Association of Canada induced me to reconsider one of the passages discussed.

    (2) Most recently, John R. Clarke, Roman Sex (New York 2003); for a concise account of this development, see Beert Verstraete, “New pedagogy on ancient pederasty,” The Gay and Lesbian Review 11.3 (May-June 2004) 13–14.

    (3) E.g., William Armstrong Percy III, Pederasty and Pedagogy in ArchaicGreece (Urbana/Chicago 1996). 

    (4) K.J. Dover, Greek Homosexuality (Cambridge MA 1978) 15 n. 30. 

     

    (5) Felix Buffière, Eros adolescent (Paris 1980) 303–306.
(6) Daryl Hine, Puerilities (Princeton 2001).

(7) Roger Peyrefitte, La Muse garconnière (Paris 1973).

(8) W.R. Paton, trans., The Greek Anthology vol. IV (Cambridge MA 1971)

280–418.

(9) P.G. Maxwell-Stuart, “Strato and the Musa Puerilis,” Hermes 100 (1972)

215–240 and W.M. Clarke, “Problems in Strato’s Paidike Mousa,” AJP 99 (1978) 433–441.

(10) For example, the phrase ὰπ' ἰσχνοτάτης εἰς τάσιν ὀγκοτάτην,

from the weakest to the strongest pitch,” may play on τάσιν = “tension,” i.e.,
with reference to an erection.

(11) Richard W. Hooper, The Priapus Poems (Urbana/Chicago 1999) and Willis Barnstone, Sappho (Garden City/New York 1965).

(12) Luis Cernuda, Selected Poems (New York 1999) 179–180.

(13) Michael Lassell and Elena Georgiou, The World in Us: Lesbian and Gay Poetry of the Next Wave (New York 2000) 195–196.

(14) Hine wisely avoids it. Yet his translation, though clever, does not really convey the situation: “Diodorus, boys’ things come in three shapes and sizes; learn them handily; when unstripped it’s a dick, but when stiff it’s a prick: wanked, you know what its nickname must be.” Why, the reader may ask, should the unstripped penis be called a dick, and the erect one a prick? What is the point? And indeed, what is its name when it climaxes? Culturally, this is not fully translated.

 

9.11.21

Review of Kelly Olson, Masculinity and Dress in Roman Antiquity, Routledge 2017

This little book is an excellent piece of scholarship. Olson, who has written a previous book on female clothing, has clearly mastered the field of Roman clothing, and dresses up her erudition in plentiful documentation. There are extensive notes and bibliography, and almost every matter in the text is illustrated with appropriate citations in Latin next to Olson’s astute translations. There is a summary at the beginning, and a conclusion at the end, of the book and each chapter. Previous research is acknowledged and a method is employed which weighs carefully the sometimes conflicting evidence of ancient literature and art. (Texts, Olson explains, could be ideological, describing how the writer thought men should dress, while art employed clothing-- not always realistically-- to represent the status of the subjects.)

Unfortunately there are occasional lapses of proofreading. Slips like “but is” for “but it is” (p.13) may be harmless, but the hapless undergraduate who tries to identify “Cornelius Neops” may be flummoxed.

Rome, as the author explains in her Conclusion, was a culture in which visual impressions were paramount. Hence Roman dress conveyed multivalent messages of rank, status and gender. Olson’s book is a thorough survey of Roman masculine clothing, but it is also aimed particularly at scholars of ancient sexuality and gender, who know how obsessed some Roman men were about standards of masculinity.

Possibly some such scholars did not know, for example, that although the toga signalled citizenship, it underwent variations in quality, in how it was worn, and even in style, which also revealed the wearer’s real or supposed wealth and status. This applies also to other articles of clothing. We learn some surprising facts: how clothes were “cleaned” in urine; how a slave wore expensively dyed scarlet to pass as a free man; how magistrates turned their toga backwards when passing a death sentence (cf. the black cap in Britain). These facts are interesting in themselves, but apparently some critics dismiss such details as ‘antiquarian’. Olson seems rather defensive on this point, fending off the charge of ‘antiquarianism’ (which, like ‘essentialism’, seems to be regarded as a label which can refute automatically without any ratiocination) by arguing that one should know all aspects of clothing before understanding the messages about class and gender. I would go further: The entire field of classical studies is antiquarian by definition, and just as in the physical sciences, which are indisputably untainted by antiquarianism, one must learn the facts for their own sake first before finding applications. A historian interpreting the dynamics of a Roman trial, for example, should know that defendants were expected to appear shabbily dressed in order to gain sympathy.

But perhaps the most important sartorial feature revealed by Olson is ambivalence. There was a complex of authentic and fake messages: garments worn by equestrians but also by pseudo-equestrian imposters, items or colours that could signify wealth and/or effeminacy, etc. Olson traces a constant rear-guard struggle by aristocrats to discredit wealthy upstarts encroaching on their prestige, which partly accounted for Roman authors’ praise of plain and simple garb.

After examining the complex codes of clothing and gender, and in particular the concept of effeminacy, Olson very plausibly suggests recognizing a separate social category that could be blurred with pathic homosexuals: viz., ‘dandies’, urban young men of fashion (mainly aristocrats) who were more interested in sex with women. She cites the terms trossulus and comptulus as referring to them, and reinforces her proposal by comparing pre-modern (17th to 19th centuries) notions of effeminacy described by historian Randolph Trumbach and queer theorist Alan Sinfield.

There is one issue which Olson has not treated adequately: legislation. We are told repeatedly that there was “no established legal hierarchy of clothing”, yet unauthorized men are said to be “illegally wearing” certain items. For example, while p. 19 refers to a senator’s right by law to wear wide stripes, p. 20 states that the width of the stripes was not regulated in any way. Emperors, in particular, are described several times as allowing or prohibiting various sartorial practices. Olson differentiates between legal and social sanctions, and includes a brief discussion of sumptuary laws; but it would be better to have a section clarifying the role and/or absence of legal sanctions and enforcement.

This book is valuable for gender scholars, but also delightful reading for disinterested ‘antiquarians’ like classicists.

21.4.20

Eros in Anacreontea 1

Eros in Anacreontea 11

Copyright James Jope

This paper examines the neglected erotic content of Anacreontea 1, which suggests that the speaker is chosen for induction to Anacreontic poetry as an eromenos of Anacreon, and explores its relevance for the Anacreontic collection.

The Anacreontea are a collection of poems once attributed to Anacreon which were largely neglected after they were shown to be spurious. They have attracted greater interest since Patricia Rosenmeyer, in her influential literary interpretation of this collection, described it as a tradition of authors imitating Anacreon not as rivals (the norm in ancient literature) but as admirers. Although Anacreon himself had also written invective, his followers from the Hellenistic to the Byzantine emulated an image of Anacreon which was essentially restricted to his erotic and symposiastic interests. According to Andrew Lear (2008), Anacreon himself set a precedent for this narrowed range, as he adopted a sort of ‘alternative’ symposiastic lifestyle, apolitical and carefree, driven by pleasure and eschewing engagement in ‘serious’ pursuits. The Anacreontic poems are set in a laid-back fantasy world of vinous indulgence and erotic desire where toil (ponoi), and cares (merimnas) are eschewed2. A keynote is struck by Poem 2, calling for Homer's lyre but without the bloody chord. As a corollary of this withdrawal, the Anacreontics, like some of Anacreon's own poems, describe what Felix Budelmann3 calls 'transferable' experiences: generic situations with little to tie them to a particular time or place.

Considerations of meter and dialect indicate that the Anacreontea comprise two previous anthologies4: a Hellenistic collection comprising mainly erotic poems, and a later anthology of mostly symposiastic poems. It is generally agreed that Poem 1 belongs to the earliest stratum, where it introduced the first collection; whereas Poem 2 may have introduced the second.5 The speaker recounts a dream in which he encounters, and is gifted by, Anacreon:


Ἀνακρέων ἰδών με
ὁ Τήϊος μελωιδὁς
(ὂναρ λἐγω) προσεῖπεν ̇
κἀγὼ δραμὼν πρὸς αὐτόν
περιπλάκην φιλήσας.
γέρων μὲν ἦν, καλός δέ,
καλός δὲ καὶ φίλευνος ̇
τὸ χείλος ὦζεν οἴνου ̇
τρέμοντα δ’ αὐτὸν ἤδη
Ἔρως ἐχειραγώγει.
ὃ δ’ ἐξελὼν καρήνου
ἐμοὶ στέφος δίδωσι ̇
τὸ δ’ ὦζ’ Ἀνακρέοντος.
ἐγὼ δ’ ὁ μωρὸς ἄρας
ἐδησάμην μεtώπωι ̇
καὶ δῆθεν ἄχρι καὶ νῦν
ἔρωτος οὐ πέπαυμαι.
ed. West 1984
Anacreon, the melodious singer from Teos, spotted me (in a dream) and called to me. And I ran over and wrapped my arms around him and kissed him. He was old, it is true, but handsome—handsome, and amorous too. His lips smelled of wine, and he was already trembling, but Eros led him by the hand. He took the garland off his head to give it to me. And it smelled of Anacreon. I, like a fool, took it up and tied it around my head; and from that moment to this very day I have been in love constantly.” (my translation)

To paraphrase: Anacreon calls the speaker, probably at a symposium6. The speaker runs over, throws his arms around Anacreon and kisses him, observing that Anacreon may be old, but he is good-looking, and amorous7 too. Anacreon's kiss tastes of wine, and he is unsteady; but Eros leads him by the hand. Anacreon removes the garland from his own head and gives it to the speaker, who, noticing that it smells of Anacreon, “foolishly” (moros) puts it on his own head, and has been a lover ever since.

The common interpretation sees the dream simply as a poetic investiture, with Anacreon in the role of the muse and the garland conveying inspiration8. This is incomplete. Garlands were commonly a gift of paederastic lovers. Scholars have taken little notice of the erotic aspect, some endeavouring to rationalize it away. K. Bartol9 argues that poetic investiture excludes erotics; whereas in fact they are interwoven here. Glenn W. Most10 suggests that the speaker is cast as Anacreon's eromenos, but he does not explore the implications of this trope.

This is a queer investiture indeed--not an encounter with serious divinities like those which inspired epic or didactic poetry, but, I shall argue, an appropriately seriocomical induction to the insouciant genre of Anacreontic lyric. Ignoring the erotic content has unnecessarily problematized the poem. Why a garland? which, as even Bartol concedes, is more reminiscent of paederastic courtship than of poetic investiture. Why does the speaker feel that he was foolish to accept the gift? Some answer11 that the writer has suffered from the burden of writing the poetry inspired here; but the only aspect of the Anacreontic poems that is burdensome is erotic passion, not writing the poems. In fact, Poem 60 advocates writing poetry to allay that passion. What mysterious words did Anacreon say to his epigone, and why is there no report of specific instructions like those given by the Muses to Hesiod? But if this is also an erotic encounter, the point is simply that Anacreon initiates it, as erastai conventionally did. The opening line of an erotic encounter-- especially by a drunken lover-- is often trivial. Finally, what is the role of Anacreon himself? He is not divine or immortal, yet he can inspire.12 But unlike the Muses, Anacreon inspires by example. Anacreon himself pursued the life of pleasure and composed this kind of poetry. And the project of the Anacreontic poets is to follow his example.

Let us look again at the speaker’s dream. When the author runs to kiss Anacreon, this could be simply philia. But it is Eros who leads Anacreon to offer his garland to the author, and lest there be any doubt about the flavour even of poetic inspiration imparted under this god's tutelage, the author cites an olfactory stimulus: The garland smells of Anacreon: the musky scent of the man after drinking and dancing13. And the speaker reacts to his scent not with aversion, but by eagerly taking and wearing the garland. The signals of erotic motivation are too clear for the scene to involve only a conventional poetic investiture.

Anacreon, the speaker says, is old, but still good-looking (kalos). This cannot mean, in this context, as Bartol14 suggests, that he resembles more conventional agents of inspiration like the Muses in some aspect other than physical attractiveness. The word here means precisely physical attractiveness. Rosenmeyer15 mentions that an early statue of Anacreon emphasized his virility, and that even though he is pictured as old, at least one vase painting seems to label him kalos. Paul Zanker describes a type of portrait statue which he calls the 'handsome old man' (kalos geron). This type began in portraits of Homer, but was later used for others. Regarding Homer, Zanker writes:
Old age does not carry negative connotations here... Signs of decrepitude in the cheeks, temples, and the... eyes are indicated with the utmost discretion. This Homer is a handsome old man... full of dignity... beauty and nobility. (p. 16)
A Periclean statue of Anacreon was influenced by this type. Portrayed as a symposiast, he is shown nude,
...with a handsome, ageless physique. Only ...subtle hints of advancing age. (p. 25)
...his nudity celebrates the perfection of the body, just as those of younger men. (p. 30)
If our poet envisioned Anacreon in this way, his attraction is understandable. And it is likely that he did so. This portrait type was followed in Hellenistic copies; and Hellenistic literary texts often alluded and responded to familiar statuary.16

Some Anacreontic poems feature comical scenes. Eros too can be targeted, although his power can still assert itself. For example, in Poem 6 he is small enough to be swallowed by the poet, and Poem 35 mocks his childishness. Poem 1 too has a comical strain. The inebriated old man needing help to walk, and the speaker's eager response (too eager by some Greeks’ standards) are comical images, as is especially Eros assuming the role of a slave or kindly helper by guiding the old man; anyone acquainted with these and other Hellenistic poems well knows that the sneaky little god must be up to mischief. But the amorous old drunk fits the stereotype of Anacreon throughout this collection. And the eagerness of the speaker shows that he is expressing genuine admiration and attraction. These comic features may signal that the eroticism need not be taken too seriously: It is rather a pointed symbol of the literary liaison of the epigone with Anacreon. The author’s devotion to his model is like that of a responsive eromenos to his suitor and mentor.

Of course we do not know the author's age in real life.17 But he was certainly younger than Anacreon, whether we mean the image or the poet. And he sees himself as an admirer who here becomes inspired. We seem to have here an expression, perhaps a recollection, or at any rate a representation of erotic love for the older poet by a presumably youthful poet about to embark on his creative career. And it is a 'transferable' experience which other poets aspiring to imitate Anacreon could have shared. Hence its suitability as an introductory poem.

This erotically mediated literary succession must have reminded Greek readers of educational paederasty. After all, the young man acquires his mentor’s expertise in love and poetry.
But Greek readers would also notice a difference. Educational relationships, like the philosophical pederasty advocated by the early Stoics18 or even athletic training19 would always involve prolonged and laborious training-- like the cares (merimnas) and toils (ponoi) eschewed by Anacreontic poets. Anacreon himself had abandoned the educational function along with other ‘serious’ pursuits.20 And the Anacreontic poems repeatedly reject arduous learning in favour of quick inspiration by eros or wine. In Poem 49 wine “teaches” the poet to dance. In 52, the poet rejects the rules and rigours (anankas) of the rhetors for such easy learning. In 58, the poet's temptation to pursue wealth occurs when his heart (thymos), not his brain, encourages him to “think big” (hyperphronein). And in Poem 19 Eros himself does not wish to leave the service of Beauty, because he has been taught (dedidaktai)—i.e., conditioned, obviously by pleasure rather than study-- to serve. All of these poems exhibit a rejection of arduous learning and a preference for heady inspiration. But here, precisely, is an Anacreontic style of succession: Anacreon hands over the garland under the god’s oversight and the eromenos instantly morphs into an erastes. Here there is no instruction, only inspiration. Anacreon offers both the benefit of educational paederasty and the ease of impulsive liaisons. His lessons have no exercises.

Those who would interpret the poem simply as a poetic investiture puzzle over how Anacreon had the power to convey inspiration. But there is no need to ascribe any preternatural power to Anacreon. The competent deity himself (Eros) is present. And he is obviously manipulating the event; for, the result of the encounter is that the speaker cannot cease to be a lover (erotos). The text does not say “to love Anacreon” or “to write poems” (though he does both). The surprising result of inspiration in Poem 1, viz., that the dreamer becomes not just a poet, but a lover, is less surprising if we remember that Poem 1 belongs to the first, predominantly erotic collection, and that the Anacreontea imitate Anacreon’s ‘alternative lifestyle’ as well as his poetry21. Poem 60, at the end of the Anacreontea, contains the often quoted exhortation “Imitate Anacreon” (ton Anakreontea mimou). What that poem advocates specifically is writing erotic poetry as a safe way to mitigate searing passion. It is desire (eros) that produces both the creativity of Anacreontic poets and the anxiety which the final poem seeks to mitigate, and which of course explains why the speaker in Poem 1 was ‘foolish’ to accept the garland.

In our poem, and throughout the collection, Anacreon is a role model. Our poet’s attitude resembles that of a young admirer who desires to follow in his footsteps. Close attention to the erotic motif has clarified previously problematized issues about this poem; it casts new light on the devotion of Anacreontic poets to their model, and incidentally provides a rare glimpse of the motivations which a responsive eromenos might have felt. Anacreon here is a role model, an erastes, and a mentor; but all of these are human attributes. Since the preternatural influence which transfers his poetic talent operates by making the younger poet too an erastes, it must come from the god. In spite of the playful treatment of Eros in our poem, it is he who is the ultimate source of inspiration and the presiding deity. If the speaker’s enthusiasm expresses itself as erotic attraction when he becomes excited at the sudden appearance of his handsome model, this would not seem so unusual in Hellenistic Greece as it might today. In the Anacreontic setting, however, it is more than appropriate.

The poem, incidentally, also throws light upon the response of boys in a pederastic relationship. The representation of an eromenos in the first person singular, even if the words ascribed to him are projected by an older author, is rare in the literature. But here we have a plausible and positive representation of the subjective experience (dream) of a responsive youth.

Comments? Questions?        jamesjope@jamesjope.ca

Notes


1.This article originated as a presentation at the annual meeting of the Classical Association of Canada in Quebec City, 2016. Thanks to William A. Percy for bringing the Anacreontea to my attention, and to Robert Fowler and Beert Verstraete for advice on initiating my research.  

2 Rosenmeyer also stresses the absence of violence and of consummated sex. However, there are exceptions. The violence of Eros shooting the poet in the gut in Poems 13 and 33 is as graphic as an epic battle scene, although it may be intended to parody such. And the rape in Poem 59: 20-24 is consummated, with serious consequences. West 1984: 46 notes: “puellae suadetur... innuptae videlicet: nuptias igitur sponsas tantum prodere potest.” While it is true that sex is usually not consummated, this it is hardly an exclusive feature of these poems; it motivates perhaps most love poetry.

3 Budelmann 2009: 234-235

4 West op.cit.: pages XVI-XVII. For the argument based on dialects see also Sens (2014).

5 For detailed discussion of the composition and dates of the collection see Campbell, D.A. 1988: 14-18 and Edmonds, J.M.: 1-16.

6 The setting of the dream is not described. Most Anacreontic poems are set at a symposium, and there is no reason why Poem 1 should be an exception. Anacreon has been drinking, and dancing (hence his scent).

7 phileunos: “amorous” is my translation. LSJ translate this as “fond of the marriage bed”, but there is no reference to marriage either in the word itself or in this poem. Edmonds emends to philoinos, arguing that the context concerns drinking; but the reference to drinking is only one detail of this erotic investiture. Rosenmeyer translates “good in bed”, but the word denotes fondness for rather than skill at making love.

8 Thus Rosenmeyer 1993 and Bartol 1993. For more detailed discussion of the erotic content--albeit still without acknowledging its importance--see Brioso Sánchez 1979, who argues that Anacreon's portrayal simply epitomizes his standard characteristics. But this does not explain the role of Eros and the behaviour of the speaker. 
 
9 Bartol 1993: 68 recognizes “eine deutliche Anspielung auf das sympotische Modell einer homosexuellen Situation” but insists that “das Bild kann aber zugleich anders interpretiert werden”.

10 Most

11 Bartol op. cit.: 69; cf. Rosenmeyer op. cit.: 67.

12 Gutzwiller 2014: 54-56 cites evidence that Anacreon may have been treated as a hero in the Hellenistic period, but I see no indication of that in this particular poem.

13 Readers who consider the suggestion of sweat repugnant have postulated that the scent is of wine or of myrrh. These undoubtedly sweetened the bouquet, but the text says only that the garland smelled of Anacreon.

14 op. cit. 69

15 op. cit. 28-29

16 Gutzwiller discusses several instances of Hellenistic epigrams relating to statues of Anacreon. The essays collected by Evelyne Prioux and Agnès Rouveret 2010 explore in depth cross-references between the literary and plastic media in the Hellenistic period.

17 More than one scholar believe that an Anacreontic persona may be at least quasi-autobiographical. Alexander Rudolph 2014: 131-144 argues that the 'I' in these poems is more real than fictitious, because the literary setting is anchored in the social setting of the symposium, where the speaker plays a type role that could be experienced by any of the participants.

18 For the sexual ethics of the early Stoics see Schofield 1991 3-56.

19 For the athletics, see Hubbard 2003.

20 As Lear explains, the educational side of pederasty was a ‘serious’ social duty. Stehle 2014: 250 suggests that Anacreon avoided educational involvement because of its political repercussions, as he was hosted by tyrants. The two motives need not be mutually exclusive.

21 For the imitation of the Anacreontic lifestyle see also, e.g., Glenn W. Most 2014: 151.



References


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